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Our Assessment:
B+ : interesting story, very well told See our review for fuller assessment.
Review Consensus: - Return to top of the page - The complete review's Review: At the end of 2002 Mwai Kibaki took over the presidency of Kenya, after two decades of (mis)rule by Daniel arap Moi. By this time, corruption and patronage in Kenya were: "so ingrained, so greedy it was gradually throttling the life from the country." Kibaki promised an end to this endemic corruption, and the man he turned to to lead these efforts was John Githongo, who was already well-known, as a journalist and for his work for Transparency International, among other things. As Michela Wrong notes: I could see exactly why any new government would want John. No Kenyan could rival his reputation for muscular integrity, or enjoyed as much respect amongst the foreign donors everyone hoped would soon resume lending.Wrong worried that Githongo would be co-opted by the new administration, but, in fact, he stayed true to his mission; unfortunately, his best efforts were not nearly enough to effect much change. It's Our Turn to Eat is the sad story of his failure, and of the many ways in which he was let down. Githongo was given ready access to Kibaki, but despite a clear mandate his position was never precisely defined; more significantly, he was not charged (or empowered) with either formally investigating corruption (though he did a good deal of informal investigating) or prosecuting it. Thus, he had very limited real powers -- which was fine as long as Kibaki paid heed, but not if Kibaki no longer valued, wanted, or trusted his advice. Kenya is a country of many different tribes -- with Wrong explaining: If, in the West, it is impossible to use the word 'tribe' without raising eyebrows, in Kenya much of what takes place becomes incomprehensible if you try stripping away ethnicity from the equation.And tribes certainly fared well when they were on top: first the Kikuyu under Jomo Kenyatta, then the Kalenjin under Moi. Kibaki --and also Githongo -- were also Kikuyu, and the question was whether the vicious cycle could be broken under this regime. Earlier efforts, including under Moi by Richard Leakey, had been thwarted. Despite initial enthusiasm suggesting change was possibly really in the air, Githongo would soon find the corruption was so deeply entrenched that too many too powerful interests obstructed real change; disappointingly, even foreign (aid-giving) governments and institutions (such as the World Bank) undermined efforts at rooting out the problems. The title of the book comes from the idea that Kenya's various interest-groups (i.e. tribes) would put up with the corruption of others as long as they got their turn at the trough: the tribe in power was understood and expected to take advantage of their position while they held it. As Wrong explains, in a country (and, largely, a continent) where family, clan, and tribe relied greatly on individual members to provide for large numbers doing anything less was practically unacceptable. Anyone who was in a position of some power or advantage was expected to share that advantage with kin and tribe -- a disastrous system for any nation as a whole. It soon became clear that the Kibaki regime was going down the same road -- especially after the president suffered a stroke. Fascinatingly, the corruption was merely passed from one regime to the next, with many of the same outside players keeping up business as usual: there wasn't even any need for the new regime to start from scratch. Wrong does not go into too much detail about the seedy dealings, especially with the juggernaut pseudo-company, Anglo Leasing, but provides enough to make clear the sheer scale of the looting. As she notes, part of the problem in a country of such poverty was even just in conveying to ordinary citizens the extent of the corruption, as the many billions at issue were so beyond what ordinary Kenyans could imagine. And the amounts are beyond staggering, as Anglo Leasing -- essentialy just a money-funneling creation -- had their fingers in a lot of high-value contracts: In fact, the value of the eighteen contracts amounted to 5 per cent of Kenya's gross domestic product, and over 16 per cent of the government's expenditure in 2003-04With so much money that could be skimmed off the top of the inflated contracts a lot of people had a lot of interest in not rocking the boat; Githongo's efforts met with small success, but even exposure of these obscenities didn't affect much fundamental change. Wrong's account of how things went wrong is fascinating. She quotes one diplomat who notes over the years: the roller-coastering attitudes of diplomats posted to Kenya. 'In the first year, there was great enthusiasm: "We must increase aid." In the second year, revision set in. In the third year they all seemed to go bonkers, so disillusioned that they couldn't speak or think rationally. I thought they'd all gone made.'The frustration is understandable, but Wrong shows many of the reasons why the corrupt system is so difficult to dismantle. Matters aren't helped by the blind eye donor-states are willing to turn. Githongo's story -- he eventually left the country and resigned his position, with justified concerns about his safety -- is an interesting personal one as well, and Wrong, who has known him for many years (and in whose flat he holed up when he first left his post) presents this well too. Many of the other personalities are also quite fascinating, and the book is as entertaining as any political thriller set in the Third World. Wrong's discussion of all the issues -- from her own closeness to Githongo, which obviously poses problems when writing a work like this, to the spread of 'Sheng' (a hip "rogue language" mixing elements from those widely spoken in Kenya), to all the political and tribal issues -- is very solid, and the book reads very well. Wrong concludes her book with the catastrophic events around the most recent Kenyan election, in 2007, which pitted Luo (a tribe that hasn't been to the trough at the highest level yet, and who thought (reasonably so) that the election was stolen from them) against Kikuyu, and shows just how high the cost of such tribal thinking can be. Certainly recommended for anyone seeking an understanding of the political and economic situation in Africa. - M.A.Orthofer, 11 July 2009 - Return to top of the page - It's Our Turn to Eat:
- Return to top of the page - Michela Wrong was born in 1961. She is a journalist. - Return to top of the page -
© 2009-2021 the complete review
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