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Our Assessment:
A- : well-argued, accessible, ambitious See our review for fuller assessment.
From the Reviews: - Return to top of the page - The complete review's Review:
The Open Society and its Enemies is a major 20th century text, a book that often feels familiar even to many who have not read it.
Seen as a call for the 'open society' and for democratic institutions, it was considered particularly relevant in the Cold War-era.
With the collapse of the Soviet Union Popper's world view seems to have emerged as triumphant, but the book is still well worth revisiting: the struggles between the interests of the state and those of the individual -- and a pull towards the 'closed society' -- continue even in advanced democratic states, while historicism (vigorously denounced by Popper) continues to find widespread support.
Plato's political program, far from being morally superior to totalitarianism, is fundamentally identical with it.(And it's Plato's historicism that is at the root of this programme, of course.) "Never was a man more earnest in his hostility towards the individual", Popper argues -- and Popper argues that such hostility is a very bad thing. He argues that Plato is consistently misinterpreted, his views idealized in a way that makes them appear not quite so bad. Popper will have none of it: Plato was very, very bad, and he aims to prove it. The proof is, for the most part, a success: it's hard to argue with much of what Popper presents. Plato's words, and their basis, help make Popper's case - and a damning one it is: We see here that Plato recognizes only one ultimate standard, the interest of the state. Everything that furthers it is good and virtuous and just; everything that threatens it is bad and wicked and unjust. Actions that serve it are moral; actions that endanger it, immoral. In other words, Plato's moral code is strictly utilitarian; it is a code of collectivist or political utilitarianism. The criterion of morality is the interest of the state. Morality is nothing but political hygiene.Central, of course, to his argument is also the judgement that this is not good, and Popper makes a convincing case for putting the individual, as it were, before the state. In particular, he argues the democratic system is the only acceptable one -- noting the possibility of failures within it, but also insisting that it is the only system able to readily correct failures: Democracy (...) provides the institutional framework for the reform of political institutions. It makes possible the reform of institutions without using violence, and thereby the use of reason in the designing of new institutions and the adjusting of old ones. [...] It is quite wrong to blame democracy for the political shortcomings of a democratic state. We should rather blame ourselves, that is to say the citizens of the democratic state. In a nondemocratic state, the only way to achieve reasonable reforms is by the violent overthrow of the government, and the introduction of a democratic framework.Popper has little patience for the utopian state and the philosopher king: these pie-ine-sky ideas have far less going for them and are less likely to be successful over any long term than their supporters (beginning with Plato) claim. Hegel, "the source of all contemporary historicism", fares even worse than Plato, and Popper is very annoyed by his success and influence. (Popper has a sharp pen, too, and his digs at the those he has little respect for -- Oswald Spengler ! -- are good fun, too.) Of Marx, however, he is more forgiving: Such were the conditions of the working class even in 1863, when Marx was writing Capital; his burning protest against these crimes, which were then tolerated, and sometimes even defended, not only by professional economists but even by churchmen, will secure him forever a place among the liberators of mankind.And Popper does, emphatically, point out that there are dangers from unfettered capitalism, noting that legislation can and should be used to avoid it becoming dominant and determinative: (P)olitical power is the key to economic protection. Political power and its control is everything. Economic power must not be permitted to dominate political power; if necessary, it must be fought and brought under control by political power.The failures of Marxism-in-(Soviet)-practice were only beginning to become clear when the first edition of The Open Society and its Enemies came out, but they were obvious enough to Popper that they did not need to be more closely addressed. The real dangers he sees are in a belief in historicism, and a willingness to put state above individual interests. Among his closing words is a valuable rallying cry: Instead of posing as prophets we must become makers of our fate. We must learn to do things as well as we can, and to look out for our mistakes.In a world where religious fundamentalism again manages to move the masses (and leads far too many to do the outrageous), and powerful democratic states like the United States move, under the jr. Bush administration, to limit the rights and voices of individuals, while arguing that they benevolently (yet untransparently) are working towards the greater good, The Open Society and its Enemies remains an essential work. An it's also an engaging and accessible read. Highly recommended. - Return to top of the page - The Open Society and its Enemies:
- Return to top of the page - Karl Popper (1902-1994) was one of the leading philosophers of the 20th century. - Return to top of the page -
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